This article contends, respectfully, that all federal district and magistrate judges should help ensure that criminal defendants reenter the community safely and successfully following incarceration. Judges are well-suited to achieve this objective. âInteraction with the judge . . . is a crucial ingredient [of supervised release] . . . and of special importance to the individual under supervision.â1 â[E]ncouragement from the judge has been identified as a powerful motivational tool.â2
Experience and analysis suggest that involvement of the judge in supervision is almost certain to bring about more successful reentry, i.e., fewer rearrests and returns to prison, greater employment, social stability, and a higher number of successful terminations of supervision.3Â This can be achieved at little or no additional expense by relying upon existing structures and resources.
Our chambers staff of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York undertook to study the effectiveness of court-involved supervised release, collecting data concerning 152 supervisees in our criminal docket (Study Population), all of whom were sentenced by this court and had at least one supervised release hearing between January 1, 2016 and December 31, 2020.4Â Court-involved supervised release is provided to all of our supervisees.
Supervised release was introduced with the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984 to replace parole and to facilitate community reentry. âThe fundamental purpose of supervised release is to ease the defendantâs transition into the community after the service of a long prison term for a particularly serious offense, or to provide rehabilitation to a defendant who has spent a fairly short period in prison but still needs supervision and training programs after release.â5
So far, supervised release has not lived up to its best purpose. Some judges do not engage with supervisees unless and until there is a new arrest or some other violation of supervision. The result is often a resentencing and additional incarceration. Supervised release is an integral part of nearly every criminal case; in our view it is as significant as pleas, sentences, and trials. It is âa significant feature of the federal justice system that impacts nearly every criminal defendant. . . . â6 But â[j]udges typically have no role in the broad array of activities that . . . transition the offender back to his status as a member of the community.â7 Without doubt, judges can help resolve one of the most vexing problems of federal criminal law by bringing to bear their authority and their diverse backgrounds and experience.8
While we include in this article several âcomparisonsâ of our Study Population with other studies â including studies undertaken by the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts (AO), the U.S. Sentencing Commission, and the Department of Justice Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) â we readily acknowledge that such comparisons are at best imprecise. It is difficult to compare outcomes because adequate (and comparable) data and statistics are not always collected and/or analyzed, and, most important, because studies vary widely in methodology, size, and eligibility.
Court-involved supervision entails proactively convening a series of individual public hearings and conferences presided over by the judge. Hearings begin soon after commencement of supervision, i.e., ideally no more than 30 days from the start of supervision.9 Our supervised release hearings rely upon already-in-place and talented professionals, structures, and resources, particularly those of the United States Probation Office. Probation is âan integral part of the judiciary; everything that probation does it does as an arm of the judiciary.â10Â The persons directly involved in supervised release hearings are the judge, the supervisee, the probation officer, defense counsel, the assistant United States attorney, and the therapists and drug counselors. Each hearing takes an average of 30 to 60 minutes.
At the first hearing, the judge describes the purpose of court-involved supervision. He or she inquires about the supervisee, including whether the supervisee has a place to live; whether he understands the goals and the mandatory, standard, and special conditions of supervision; whether the supervisee has employment or employment prospects; whether he has been enrolled in mental health and drug counseling; and whether he has begun to make short- or long-term plans.
The judge emphasizes that supervised release is intended to assist the supervisee in reentry. It is not intended to be (additional) punishment. The judge may point out that the court has the authority to shorten the term of supervised release if things go well. Before adjourning each hearing, the judge schedules the next session with the expectation that the supervisee will take action (e.g., begin mental health and/or drug counseling) before the next hearing. This process encourages the entire team to move quickly.11Â To illustrate, at one initial hearing the judge stated as follows:
Court: This is our first supervised release hearing. . . . Just so you know what to expect, supervised release is intended to be a period of time and a program and process. . . . [The goal is t]o be of help to persons who have been incarcerated . . . [to] help you adjust if need be. . . . [Our purpose is also to provide] any services that we as the court and the probation department . . . can provide.
Subsequent Hearings. The scope and frequency of hearings is up to the judge â and to the supervisee. The objective is to engage with the supervisee and make clear that the common goal is safe and successful reentry. At each hearing, the court will most often consider, among other things, employment and job training; questions pertaining to drug and mental health services; and access to healthcare and housing. The supervisee is usually represented by the attorney who represented him or her at sentencing (most often a public defender or Criminal Justice Act counsel).12Â Written exhibits such as probation department action memos, applications, and correspondence from counsel, are included in the hearing transcript.
Engaging with the Supervisee. The following supervised release colloquy is typical. The supervisee in this case was sentenced to 75 months of incarceration, followed by five years of supervised release, for racketeering and attempted assault. The special conditions of supervision included participation in a substance abuse program and weekly individual therapeutic counseling.
Court: We were last together at a hearing [in] August. . . . Whatâs happened since then?
Probation Officer: [Supervisee] goes [several] times a week to [âco-occurringâ substance abuse and mental health treatment] sessions. . . . He goes in [person] once a week to get tested and the other sessions may often be conducted through telehealth.
Court:Â Whatâs your take on how things are going?
Supervisee: I just â you know, I went through a lot in the last couple of weeks. . . . [My father] went in for a screening and he â out of nowhere, he got cancer. . . . My counselor . . . had moved on, and I had such a good relationship with [the counselor]. I really didnât know how to deal with it, Iâll be honest with you. . . . I [had] just started fresh with [my new counselor], and . . . I really didnât know [at first] how to talk to him.
Court:Â I donât think that is surprising. Has it improved?
Supervisee: Of course, a hundred percent. . . . I mean, he got me through it. . . . I kind of like was forced to open up . . . and he took it from there. . . .
Court: All right. . . . Letâs keep on this path. . . . There is no doubt in my mind that youâre committed and sincere and youâre taking full advantage of these programs. So, thatâs all . . . anybody can ask. . . . I just hope that things continue to get better for you. . . . Work is good, it sounds like, right?
Supervisee: Well, right now . . . this is the busiest part of the year. . . . Other than that, I have two . . . children. I mean, the holidays are going to be busy for me anyway, plus everything thatâs going on with my family, so Iâm mostly â Iâm mostly busy. . . .
Court:Â I got it. And at home, [are things] OK?
Supervisee: Theyâre perfect. The kids are supersmart. [One] is on the deanâs list. . . . And [the other] just started pre-K. . . . My fiancĂ©e is working from home. . . . Itâs all working out the right way. . . . Totally different relationship than before I got sentenced, right [Judge]? I was kind of nervous coming home and then running into you again. I didnât know. It was a totally different approach from you to me. . . . I was kind of scared because of how all the sentencing went, and now
I understand about the drug
treatment you put me in. And . . . itâs kind of good that I didnât get â I didnât [just come home] and no treatment was done, and that would have been more of a problem. . . .
Thirty-six percent of the Study Population were between the ages of 25 and 34 at the start of supervision. Thirty-five percent had no high school degree or equivalent. As shown below, slightly more than half had a criminal history category (CHC) of I. CHC I is considered the least serious category and includes first-time offenders; CHC VI is the most serious category and includes offenders with lengthy criminal records. And, almost half of the underlying convictions were for narcotics.
Our chambers tracked the outcomes of our court-involved supervision with the help of the AO, the Sentencing Commission, and the U.S. Probation Office. The following five findings resulted:
1. 86.7% Successful Completion Rate
We consider supervision successful if (i) the term of supervision expires in the normal course or (ii) supervision concludes âearlyâ because the supervisee was compliant and achieved all the goals of supervised release. Of the supervisees in our Study Population, 86.7 percent were successful over an eight-year period.13 Specifically, 48.9 percent of the Study Population finished supervision in the normal course, and 37.8 percent finished supervision early.14 National data from the AO shows 65.4 percent of supervisees concluded supervision successfully, that is, 44.7 percent finished in the normal course, and 15.7 percent finished early.15
It is important to add that our ârevocationâ rate is low. Revocation of supervised release is defined as âthe judicial act of canceling [the term of supervised release] in response to the offender violating the terms of supervision and imposing a term of incarceration.â16 Our revocation rate is low because we rarely cancel supervision. We have great faith in court involvement. It is our practice to rely upon court-involved supervised release whenever feasible.17
2. 78% Employment Rate
There is universal agreement that securing employment is beneficial to supervisees.18 âStable employment confers adult status and supports the achievement of . . . prosocial goals. Economic hardship, on the other hand, is a well-documented source of strain that can increase the likelihood of engaging in criminal behavior.â19
Our supervisees were for the most part eager to find employment. Employment is measured in accordance with the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, which defines employment as âany work at all for pay or profit . . . includ[ing] all part-time and temporary work, as well as regular full-time, year-round employment.â20 At least 78 percent of our Study Population was employed.21
3. 82% Participate in Mental Health and Drug Treatment
The need for mental health therapy and/or drug counseling in supervision cannot be overstated. We rely upon and monitor closely âspecial conditionsâ requiring (weekly) mental health treatment and drug counseling administered by experienced professionals.
The American Psychological Association advises that 45 percent of inmates in the federal prison system report mental health concerns; substance abuse is often characterized as ârampant.â22 Because mental health and substance abuse issues persist beyond incarceration, these issues must actively be addressed in supervision.23Â One of the key objectives of court-involved supervision is to ensure that mental health therapy and drug counseling are provided and are consistently attended by supervisees. Probation staff of the Southern District of New York are resourceful in arranging for and monitoring these services.
Treatment providers actively participate in our supervised release hearings. Their insights and suggestions are invaluable. Most judgments of conviction (in our study) include therapeutic counseling and substance abuse treatment. Indeed, only six percent of cases involved no counseling or drug treatment.
In the following colloquy, the supervisee had been sentenced to 120 months of incarceration followed by five years of supervised release, for participating in a conspiracy distributing crack cocaine. He himself had a drug problem and the conditions of his supervised release included participation in a substance abuse program and weekly therapeutic counseling.
Counselor: You know, there [are] really no complaints. . . . [Supervisee] hasnât given us any positive toxicology results. . . . Heâs actually shown quite a bit more improvement. . . . You know, heâs always been someone that takes pride in his ability to keep himself busy. . . . Heâs been doing an incredible job of just being able to openly communicate with us . . . as well as keep himself very much on point. . . . Heâs coming in early for his appointments. . . . Heâs doing an incredible job.
Supervisee: It just clicked in my head . . . having to go back inside [prison].
Court:Â Do you find the counseling to be of help to you?
Supervisee: Yes, it help[s]. . . . You know that being able to, you know, talk and [ ] I never really was talkative. It made me express myself more. . . . I was very quiet, so it helped me express myself and to see othersâ points of view.
4. 37.8% Early Termination Rate
Early termination of supervision is authorized by statute (18 U.S.C. § 3583(e)). It is âoften underutilized [for the] lack [of] time or guidance to identify suitable cases.â24 The late Honorable Jack B. Weinstein observed: âI, like other trial judges, have in many cases imposed longer periods of supervised release than needed, and I, like other trial judges, have failed to terminate supervised release early in many cases.â25
Early termination is a strong incentive to succeed in reentry and thereby exit the criminal justice system. Under 18 U.S.C. § 3583(e)(1), the court may âterminate a term of supervised release and discharge the defendant released at any time after the expiration of one year of supervision . . . if satisfied that such action is warranted by the conduct of an offender and is in the interest of justice.â26 The court reviews early termination applications and considers, among other things, the safety of the community and whether the conditions of supervised release have been satisfied. âA courtâs ability to terminate supervision early, or modify conditions, provides an option to reevaluate the efficacy of a supervised release term throughout its duration.â27
Thus, the court has discretion to reduce the term of supervised release.28Â In our practice, early termination is granted when the stakeholders â i.e., the supervisee, the probation officer, defense counsel, service providers, often the government, and the court â conclude that early termination is merited. In fact, it is nearly always obvious when a supervisee is succeeding and merits early termination.
Early termination also saves taxpayer money and enables the probation department to redirect resources to other supervisees.29 It serves as âa measure to contain costs in the judiciary without compromising the mission of public safety.â30Â A 2024 AO study âfound that early terminations have been increasing, with about 1 out of 4 successful closures over the last 10 years occurring through early termination.â31
5. 17.1% Rearrest Rate After Three Years; 20.4% After Five Years
According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, â[r]earrest is the broadest measure of recidivism.â32 It is âan important measure of the volume of people returning to courts . . . as well as one of the most comprehensive indicators available of a personâs interaction with the criminal justice system.â33 Rearrest is âthe most valid measure of frequency of offending that can be gained from official data sources.â34
Figure 3 below sets forth rearrest results from our Study Population (âRMB Studyâ) and also includes rearrest results from the AO, the Sentencing Commission, and the BJS.35
The felony rearrest rates from our Study Population during the period 2016 to 2024 was 17.1 percent after three years of supervision and 20.4 percent after five years of supervision. Our Study Population data includes arrests for federal and state felonies.36
The AO felony rearrest rates during the period 2004 to 2014 were 20.8 percent after three years of supervision and 27.7 percent after five years of supervision.37 The AO includes arrests for federal and state felonies.38 While the AO studied 454,223 supervisees, its felony rearrest rates derive from 67 percent of those supervisees (i.e., as of December 1, 2014) and appear to exclude any rearrests that may have occurred among the remaining 33 percent.39 The AO rearrest results also reflect âadjustmentsâ to the three-year rearrest rate.40 A downward adjustment is based upon an AO finding that persons who entered into federal supervision each year (after 2014) were âincreased risk[s] to recidivate.â41
The Sentencing Commission re-arrest rates during the period 2010 to 2018 were 35.4 percent after three years of supervision and 43.1 percent after five years of supervision for a population of 32,135 supervisees.42 The Sentencing Commission also included misdemeanors and supervised release violations in addition to federal and state felony arrests.43 It also derived an eight-year rearrest rate of 49.3 percent.44
The Bureau of Justice Statistics study of 42,977 supervisees during the period 2005 to 2010 found that 35 percent of supervisees were rearrested after three years of supervision and 43 percent were rearrested after five years of supervision.45Â As did the Sentencing Commission, BJS rates reflected misdemeanors and violations in addition to federal and state felony arrests.
Rearrests alone do not tell the whole story. For one thing, âviolations of release conditions [ ] are not [always] new crimes, like missing appointments or testing positive for drugs.â46 For another, rearrest rates also include supervisees who may have been arrested âbut never convicted of a crime.â47 By focusing only on rearrests, there is âthe risk of counting events in which a crime did not occur or that did not result in a conviction.â48
To round out the picture, we also make mention of âdismissalsâ and âreturns to prison,â as follows:
Charges Were Often Dismissed
Rearrests alone âcan overstate recidivism.â49 â[O]f those persons arrested, a smaller percentage are charged, and an even smaller percentage are imprisoned.â50Â Within our Study Population, 45.3 percent of rearrests resulted in charges being dismissed. For the 41.5 percent for whom rearrests resulted in guilty pleas, 11.3 percent were not incarcerated; 17.0 percent received a sentence of less than nine months of incarceration; and 13.2 percent received a sentence in excess of nine months of incarceration.
Return to Prison
Return to prison is said by some authorities to be one of the âmost importantâ and most reliable measures of recidivism.51 âReturn to prisonâ is defined as âan arrest [state or federal] within five years of being released from a federal prison that resulted in a return to prison.â52 â[R]eturning to prison represents arguably the worst and most costly outcome for a released offender.â53
Of our Study Population, 13.8 percent returned to prison within five years of the start of supervision.54 The BJS return to prison rate was 31.6 percent.55
BJS observed that return to prison âis an important indicator of recidivism to track because it generates a significant financial burden for local jurisdictions, which often are responsible for incarcerating people who have been revoked from community supervision.â56 Return to prison âalso represents a significant burden to the individual who is reincarcerated, as time in a correctional facility disrupts engagement with treatment, employment, family, and more.â57
We did not find any return to prison rates developed by the AO or the Sentencing Commission.
Federal district and magistrate judges can play a significant role in reducing crime by becoming more actively involved in supervision.58 âWhile the efforts of all members of the [supervised release] team are vital to program success, . . . the judgeâs role is especially vital.â59 There is no doubt that âjudges . . . have a significant opportunity to positively affect the lives of formerly incarcerated people who would have been previously abandoned to the criminal justice system with significant personal, community, and taxpayer cost.â60
Judicial involvement can significantly help bring about safe and successful community reentry. Itâs that simple.61
Richard M. Berman has been a district judge (Southern District of New York) since November 1998 and senior judge since September 2011. He holds a BS degree from Cornell University, a JD degree from N.Y.U. School of Law, and an MSW degree from Fordham Universityâs Graduate School of Social Service.